Tuesday, January 28, 2003
9:08 pm
France and Britain are to blame - 28th January 2003, 21.06
Here is a column from Olli Kivinen in Helsingen Sanomat that takes a radically different view of the current developments in the European Convention. Instead of viewing the Franco-German motor as a renewed vehicle for integration, he argues that Britain and France remain distinctive and similar powers in their approach to and demands from the European Union. he points out the contradictions of France and britain supoorting a strong European President or a common security policy when their own actions are unilateral and designed to undermine any community approach. Kivinen's answer lies in history and motivation:
France is concerned about the growth of German influence, resulting from the size of the country's economy and the enlargement of the EU. Britain, for its part, is hopelessly trying to hang on to the core of the EU, which is very difficult, because public opinion will not let the country join the common currency.
France and Britain are in different positions from the other EU countries. As victors of the Second World War they are members of the UN Security Council. Both have nuclear weapons, and they are also connected by a common past; both used to be large imperialist powers, who would at times fight over control of Europe, Africa, and even the whole world. It also left them with a willingness to act far away from home and to withstand defeat in any number of corners of the world.
Their magnificent pasts left both countries with the souls of a great power - something which is difficult to shake off. Both are exceptionally assured of the unique superiority of their respective societies and cultures, which creates in their national memories the historical obligation to be leaders of the EU: naturally each of them separately - certainly not both together. The will is there, but after the Cold War, the taxpayers of neither country have much enthusiasm to finance large standing armies.
The great-power soul also weighed heavily in the decision to enlarge the EU. Both countries see the European Union as a way to hold on to the remnants of their great power status. Politics is carried out on a dual level: working together when it suits them, or acting unilaterally whenever it suits them better.
In other words, the two countries engage in multi-centred activity within the EU when it is in their own interests. The other side of the coin is a willingness to act alone, with no regard for the partners, whenever self-interest requires. For instance, the common foreign and security policy of the EU is a good thing in certain situations in which it has instrumental value, but its structures must not be binding - after all, that might commit a country to sustained cooperation with other member states and EU bodies, which in turn would limit that country's freedom of action.
The downside is that increased integration lessens the freedom of action that each power enjoys and the current military weakness of the EU indicates that it cannot live up to the pretentions of these great powers. (Should we call second tier powers great powers now as opposed to the superpower?)
Here is a column from Olli Kivinen in Helsingen Sanomat that takes a radically different view of the current developments in the European Convention. Instead of viewing the Franco-German motor as a renewed vehicle for integration, he argues that Britain and France remain distinctive and similar powers in their approach to and demands from the European Union. he points out the contradictions of France and britain supoorting a strong European President or a common security policy when their own actions are unilateral and designed to undermine any community approach. Kivinen's answer lies in history and motivation:
France is concerned about the growth of German influence, resulting from the size of the country's economy and the enlargement of the EU. Britain, for its part, is hopelessly trying to hang on to the core of the EU, which is very difficult, because public opinion will not let the country join the common currency.
France and Britain are in different positions from the other EU countries. As victors of the Second World War they are members of the UN Security Council. Both have nuclear weapons, and they are also connected by a common past; both used to be large imperialist powers, who would at times fight over control of Europe, Africa, and even the whole world. It also left them with a willingness to act far away from home and to withstand defeat in any number of corners of the world.
Their magnificent pasts left both countries with the souls of a great power - something which is difficult to shake off. Both are exceptionally assured of the unique superiority of their respective societies and cultures, which creates in their national memories the historical obligation to be leaders of the EU: naturally each of them separately - certainly not both together. The will is there, but after the Cold War, the taxpayers of neither country have much enthusiasm to finance large standing armies.
The great-power soul also weighed heavily in the decision to enlarge the EU. Both countries see the European Union as a way to hold on to the remnants of their great power status. Politics is carried out on a dual level: working together when it suits them, or acting unilaterally whenever it suits them better.
In other words, the two countries engage in multi-centred activity within the EU when it is in their own interests. The other side of the coin is a willingness to act alone, with no regard for the partners, whenever self-interest requires. For instance, the common foreign and security policy of the EU is a good thing in certain situations in which it has instrumental value, but its structures must not be binding - after all, that might commit a country to sustained cooperation with other member states and EU bodies, which in turn would limit that country's freedom of action.
The downside is that increased integration lessens the freedom of action that each power enjoys and the current military weakness of the EU indicates that it cannot live up to the pretentions of these great powers. (Should we call second tier powers great powers now as opposed to the superpower?)
Links
- Ishtar Talking
- Korea Life Blog
- Toothing
- Academic Secret
- Genius Duck
- Hairstyles and Nails
- Home Tips
- Health Talk and You
- Beadle Beads
- Glass Beads Supplies
- Paquet Full of Glass
- Native American Jewelry
- Blogopoly
- Second String Swap
- Work at Home News
- Bashhh
- Click Here
- Click Here
- Just Another Opinion Blog
- Dip Dot
- Awryt
- Zacquisha
Blog Archive
-
▼
2003
(696)
-
▼
January
(87)
- Wouldn't that be something? - 30th January 2003, 2...
- New Labour, New Europe - 30th January 2003, 23.06 ...
- Blair's Appeasement - 29th January 2003, 23.15 Bl...
- Winstone's Czech Mate Interesting article in the ...
- The most special of relationships Geoffrey Wheatc...
- France and Britain are to blame - 28th January 200...
- Linkages - 28th January 2003, 20.55 Behind the sc...
- Benefits of Iraq So, we're sending troops to Iraq...
- Two Fronts According to the BBC fighting has erup...
- Defence Merger - 27th January 2003, 23.14 British...
- 1,192 Possible Terrorists to be caught - 26th Janu...
- Start, Act, Ignore (the Independent) - 26th Januar...
- Back of the Net - 26th January 2003, 17.34 A ha! ...
- Exit Strategy - 26th January 2003, 15.54 Sometime...
- Zimwatch: An Idiot writes - 24th January 2003, 00....
- The Heir of Gladstone and Thatcher - 24th January ...
- 'Winable' According to the Foreign Policy Center ...
- More joys of Europe Five Moroccans found with exp...
- Are the Frogs hopping mad? The French seem to be ...
- If you believe that Shock, horror. Saddam has ch...
- The Argument Changes Again. 24th January 2003. A...
- Is Anti-Americanism in Britain increasing in stren...
- Why are they laughing at me? - 23rd January 2003, ...
- That word, opposition I don't like using the word...
- Hitting the Buffers - 22nd January 2003, 23.21 Th...
- Zim watch: Games people play Electric Review has ...
- Crikey The game really must be up for the Euro. ...
- Iraq, what do we do after we go in? Alexander Coc...
- Philip Gould is burying his head in his hands - 21...
- Philosopher Kings As judges are using internation...
- Objectively Evil I couldn't make this up: The Eu...
- Let Slip... - 20th January 2003, 23.28 Geoff Hoon...
- The Dual Executive is strengthened - 20th January ...
- Further Strength to the Referendum Camp - 20th Jan...
- For Rothermere and Liberty It's been a while sinc...
- Confused and Insecure - 19th January 2003, 21.20 ...
- Beyond the Pole - 17th January 2003, 23.18 Geoff ...
- What's it good for? A good bit of right wing NATO...
- Wrestling with Islam An interesting essay on the ...
- Just War An interesting article on Just War by Mu...
- Not one of our better campaigns - 16th January 200...
- The Battle for Europe is lost. The Battle for Brit...
- W, WWYD? The question "well what would you do?" h...
- Peace of what? A new group seems to be organising...
- Sacked for Blogging Iain Murray has been sacked f...
- 'Britain's role is to unite the world' It's some ...
- Jail for Jokes It's really quite chilling how ben...
- Securing Energy Supplies - 14th January 2003, 23.0...
- More public consultation In an article on the fam...
- Liberalism and the EU redux I'm not sure whether ...
- Identity Problem Do you like the idea of identity...
- Zimwatch: False Dawn? - 13th January 2003, 23.00 ...
- Heralding an Inner Core - 13th January 2003, 20.56...
- Murdoch sells out One of the problems about the A...
- By Jingo what a fuss There is a bit of a to do ar...
- Zimwatch: From Crisis to Catastrophe, From Fear to...
- Italy: Eurocon Referendum - 12th January 2003, 13....
- Brunei: British Gurkhas stay on - 12th January 200...
- Unreported in the UK Media - 12th January 2003, 13...
- Preachers of Hate - 11th January 2003, 21.00 Angu...
- Liberation is a Reactionary Word - 11th January 20...
- Zimwatch: Slow Steps to Genocide - 10th January 20...
- How to do it I remember the peace movement in Ame...
- A real threat While busy bleating about the drast...
- Vulnerability to the Economic Costs of an Aging Po...
- Christianity's Clause in the Eurocon - 9th January...
- American Views of the Palestinian Conference - 9th...
- Not so magic circle The Telegraph reports on plan...
- If you can't win the argument, smear I used to li...
- Cato's take on Prodi's Plan for the EU - 8th Janua...
- Tories keep Eurocon simmering- 7th January 2003, 2...
- NAFTA or EU? - 8th January 2003, 21.05 Talk of cl...
- Don't Blame Religion Javier Solana is profiled in...
- Would you trust your money with them? France and ...
- Zimwatch: Mad Bad Bob - 7th January 2003, 20.15 I...
- I am a Counsellor to an American Prince - 7th Janu...
- Our Foreign Policy in action - 6th January 2003, 2...
- Identification: Friendly Fire - 6th January 2002, ...
- Simply not our job At last there is an attempt to...
- Soft Power - 5th January 2003, 23.58 Walker's Wor...
- American Recessional - 5th January 2003, 23.35 Pa...
- The 30 year rule - 4th January 2003, 8.55 Many do...
- Still at the Heart of Europe - 4th January 2003, 1...
- How is the Swedish model faring? - 3rd January 200...
- Lost Letter This letter does not appear to be on ...
- Importing the problem Srdja Trifkovic writes abou...
- On the other side of the world Some of the more r...
-
▼
January
(87)
0 comments:
Post a Comment